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and chief partner. Its brochure helpfully explained that China Ventures involved itself only
with projects that "enjoy the unquestioned support of the People's Republic of China." The
move proved premature: the climate for investment on the Chinese mainland soured after the
repression that followed the Tienanmen Square massacres, and the limited sanctions
approved by Congress. This no doubt contributed to Kissinger's irritation at the criticism of
Deng. But while China Ventures lasted, it drew large commitments from American Express,
Coca-Cola, Heinz and a large mining and extraction conglomerate named Freeport McMoRan,
of which more in a moment.
Many of Kissinger's most extreme acts have been undertaken, at least ostensibly, in the
name of anti-Communism. So it is amusing to find him exerting himself on behalf of a regime
that can guarantee safe investment by virtue of a ban on trade unions, a slave-labor prison
system, and a one-party ideology. Nor is China the sole example here. When Lawrence
Eagleburger left the State Department in 1984, having been ambassador to Yugoslavia, he
became simultaneously a partner of Kissinger Associates, a director of a wholly owned
banking subsidiary of the Ljubljanska Banka, a bank then owned by the Belgrade regime, and
the American representative of the Yugo mini-car. Yugo duly became a client of Kissinger
Associates, as did a Yugoslav construction concern named Enerjoprojeckt. The Yugo is of
particular interest because it was produced by the large state-run conglomerate that also
functioned as Yugoslavia's military-industrial and arms-manufacturing complex. This
complex was later seized by Slobodan Milosevic, along with the other sinews of what had been
the Yugoslav National Army, and used to prosecute wars of aggression against four
neighboring republics. At all times during this protracted crisis, and somewhat out of step
with many of his usually hawkish colleagues, Henry Kissinger urged a consistent policy of
conciliation with the Milosevic regime. (Mr. Eagleburger in due course rejoined the State
Department as Deputy Secretary and briefly became Secretary of State. So it goes.)
Another instance of the Kissingerian practice is the dual involvement of "the Associates"
with Saddam Hussein. When Saddam was riding high in the late 1980s, and having his way
with the departments of Commerce and Agriculture in Washington, and throwing money
around like the proverbial drunken sailor (and using poison gas and chemical weapons on his
Kurdish population without a murmur from Washington), the US-Iraq Business Forum
provided a veritable slot-machine of contacts, contracts and opportunities. Kissinger's partner
Alan Stoga, who had also been the economist attached to his Reagan-era Commission on
Central America, featured noticeably on a Forum junket to Baghdad. At the same time,
Kissinger's firm represented the shady Italian Banco Nazionale del Lavoro, which was later
shown to have made illegal loans to the Hussein regime. As usual, everything was legal. It
always is, when the upper middle class meets the lower Middle East.
In the same year - 1989 - Kissinger made his lucrative connection with Freeport McMoRan,
a globalized firm based in New Orleans. Its business is the old-fashioned one of extracting oil,
gas, and minerals. Its chairman, James Moffett, has probably earned the favorite titles
bestowed by the business and financial pages, being beyond any doubt "flamboyant,"
"buccaneering," and a "venture capitalist."
In 1989, Freeport McMoRan paid Kissinger Associates a retainer of $200,000 and fees of
$600,000, not to mention a promise of a 2 percent commission on future earnings. Freeport
McMoRan also made Kissinger a member of its board of directors, at an annual salary of at
least $30,000. In 1990, the two concerns went into business in Burma, the most grimly
repressive state in all of South Asia. Freeport McMoRan would drill for oil and gas, according
to the agreement, and Kissinger's other client, Daewoo (which was then itself a venal
corporate prop of an unscrupulous Korean regime), would build the plant. However, that year
the Burmese generals, under their wonderful collective title of SLORC (State Law and Order
Restoration Council), lost a popular election to the democratic opposition led by Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi and decided to annul the result. This development - producing yet more irritating
calls for the isolation of the Burmese junta - was unfavorable to the Kissinger- Freeport-
Daewoo triad, and the proposal lapsed.
But the following year, in March 1991, Kissinger was back in Indonesia with Moffett, closing
a deal for a thirty-year license to continue exploiting a gigantic gold and copper mine. The
mine is of prime importance for three reasons. First, it was operated as part of a joint venture
with the Indonesian military government, and with that government's leader, the now-
deposed General Suharto. Second, it is located on the island of Irian Jaya (in an area formerly
known as West Irian): a part of the archipelago which - in common with East Timor - is only
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